Ghana's Big Push Program Job Claims Lack Verifiable Data

    Centre for Policy Scrutiny challenges government's 490,000 job creation target, citing insufficient evidence and limited project progress.

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    Ghana's Big Push Program Job Claims Lack Verifiable Data
    The Centre for Policy Scrutiny (CPS) has challenged the Ghana government's assertion that its flagship Big Push programme will generate 490,000 jobs. The policy organisation states that a lack of verifiable employment data makes it impossible to confirm the promised labour-market benefits from public infrastructure spending. This intervention places greater scrutiny on the employment assumptions underpinning one of the government’s most prominent development initiatives. Dr. Prince Adjei, a labour economist presenting CPS’s assessment of Ghana’s 2026 Mid-Year Budget Review, highlighted the absence of a credible monitoring framework. This framework would identify the number, duration, and quality of jobs directly attributable to the Big Push programme. Without such data, progress on roads, industrial facilities, and other development projects cannot automatically be interpreted as evidence of job creation. This issue fits into a broader narrative of transparency and accountability in Ghana's economic development. The Big Push is designed to accelerate infrastructure delivery and stimulate economic activity through significant investment. Government officials have consistently presented the programme as a crucial source of employment, particularly for young people, construction workers, and various artisans. However, the CPS's findings suggest a disconnect between these projections and actual, verifiable outcomes. Dr. Adjei explicitly stated, "The promise was 490,000 jobs, but as of the mid-year review we do not have verifiable data to confirm that these jobs have actually been created." This direct challenge from a respected policy think tank underscores the need for more robust reporting mechanisms from the government. Moving forward, the government will face increased pressure to provide concrete evidence of job creation. Decision-makers and the public will be watching for a clearer breakdown of employment figures, including job types, locations, and durations. This will be crucial for assessing the true economic impact of the Big Push and similar initiatives on Ghana's labour market. CPS further argued that claims of job creation must be supported by evidence detailing how many people have been employed. This includes information on job location and whether positions are temporary, indirect, or permanent. Without this classification, headline employment figures risk combining short-term construction work with more durable jobs, creating an unclear picture of the programme’s true impact. For example, temporary construction jobs may disappear once a project is completed, while permanent jobs depend on the long-term utility of the infrastructure. The think tank's assessment revealed that only 28 of the 87 Big Push projects had progressed beyond 25.00% completion. The remaining 59 projects were still below this threshold, indicating that much of the programme remains in its early stages. While construction projects can begin hiring before significant physical completion, the limited progress across most of the portfolio makes the full 490,000-job target difficult to verify. It also raises questions about the timeline for these jobs to materialise. The organisation specifically questioned the projected employment impact of the Accra–Kumasi Expressway. This project has been presented as capable of generating approximately 80,000 jobs. However, CPS noted that it remains largely at the preparatory stage, with right-of-way clearance and other preliminary activities still ongoing. At this early stage, any employment generated is likely to be substantially lower than the total projected over the project’s entire construction cycle. This distinction between projected and actual employment is critical for accurate reporting. CPS highlighted similar disclosure gaps affecting other government employment initiatives. Agricultural enclave roads, agro-processing facilities, garment factories, and apprenticeship programmes have not published sufficient data. This includes details on the number of jobs created, the categories of workers employed, or the duration of the opportunities provided. Infrastructure investment can create direct jobs, such as engineers and labourers, and indirect employment through suppliers. Induced jobs can also emerge when workers spend their incomes locally. However, combining these categories without clear explanation risks overstating immediate employment outcomes. The government must therefore shift its reporting focus from budget allocations and physical progress to measurable labour-market outcomes.

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